Dora Bakoyannis, POLITIKA, February 2009
(On Greece's OSCE chairmanship and relationship with Serbia)
Dora Bakoyannis, ITAR-TASS, January 2009
(On Greece's OSCE chairmanship and relationship with Russia)
Dora Bakoyannis, Kommersant, January 2009
(On the 2008 Russia-Georgia war and the 2008/9 Ukrainian gas crisis)
Analysis by Diane Dufoix. February 26, 2009
(Creative Commons photo, retrieved from Javno.com)
In three January 2009 interviews with the Russian outlet Kommersant, Serbian paper POLITIKA, and Russian news agency ITAR-TASS, Greece’s Foreign Minister Dora Bakoyannis appeared optimistic about her country’s presidency of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), which will take place throughout the year 2009. One of her main points was that Greece’s chairmanship of the OSCE could be of good omen to improve relationships between the organization’s Western members and Russia. PR or diplomatic lead?
First, Dora Bakoyannis believes that “the OSCE is a well-placed forum for such a dialogue since it is the only regional organization that encompasses the wider Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian regions.” She points out that the OSCE, the world’s largest regional security organization (with over 55 members), brings everyone “including Russia, the members of the EU and the U.S., to the same table.” One can remember that it was the sole organization able to decide on sending a mission (though a very limited one) to Georgia during the country’s war with Russia a few months ago.
The latter expired recently, however, and the OSCE’s previous, Finnish presidency blatantly failed in organizing a follow-up. Since its taking the lead, Greece has actively “presented all parties concerned with a proposal, a set of ideas, to break the deadlock.” It achieved its first partial success on February 12, when OSCE members agreed on the renewal of the military monitors’ mission in the South-Caucasian country until the end of June 2009, though imperfectly.
But Georgia is just one among many contentious issues that have sparked tensions between Russia and its partners, and in particular between Russia and the European Union (EU). In this context, one might wonder whether or not Greece has any chance of succeeding where many other OSCE chairing countries have failed before.
In any case, the Greek foreign minister seems confident about her relationship with Russia: “I am sure that – as always – our collaboration will be very fruitful and productive.” The nature of the Greek-Russian link supports the view according to which Greece could prove able to trigger better Russia-EU hearings. As Dora Bakoyannis underlines, “Greece and Russia are connected by strong political, economic and cultural ties”: all in all, the two share a common, Orthodox religious culture, similar opinions on various issues (including Kosovo and Cyprus), enhanced energy cooperation (the South Stream project, and the Burgas-Alexandroupolis oil pipeline), as well as military agreements (Greek purchases of Russian military equipment) in the recent years.
However, the recent legacy of Greece’s foreign policy with regards to European affairs is not one to warrant optimism about the country’s ability (or will) to prompt a constructive dialogue within the EU. Since its accession to the European club in 1981, Greece has often been seen as the “ugly duckling” of European foreign policy. This perception was mainly conveyed by its contentious diplomacy with respect to Turkey and the Balkans (in particular its close links with Serbia and lingering dispute over the Macedonian state’s official name). Greece repeatedly obstructed consensus-building and decision-making within the EU, rather than helped move forward on such issues.
But these times seem over now (or at least one could hope). In the recent years, Greece’s foreign policy has undergone a shift, an attempt to normalize its positions, notably with respect to its regional neighbors and its European counterparts, though some burning issues have yet to find a happy ending. This could partly stem from a socialization process, by and large described by Europeanization theories.
In this context, Greece’s special relationship with Russia --“long-standing ties of friendship,”--, the existence of significant Greek national interests with regards to Russia, and the Athenes’ perceptible desire to prove to its European partners that Greece has the ability and will to act responsibly in Europe and on the world stage could lead us to believe that the unthinkable might have become plausible: Greece could finally prove to be an asset for EU foreign policy.
Learn more about this topic:
Learn more about the Greek-Russian relationship
Read the programme of Greece's OSCE chairmanship
Listen to the OSCE's first permanent Council speech by Dora Bakoyannis, chairperson in office
Read about the decision to extend part of the OSCE's Georgia mandate
Read about the 2003 Greek EU presidency and learn more about the “normalization” of Greek Foreign policy







